What are the main challenges facing Russia in the second edition of Drang nach Osten

What are the main challenges facing Russia in the second edition of Drang nach Osten

The February 2022 confrontation between Russia and the West, which brightened up our view of events in Europe, this Old World. Here in Europe (more precisely, in the west of continental Europe), the two world wars of the twentieth century were born, matured and broke out

Speaking of World War II, the great battles that began in Western Europe also engulfed Eastern Europe, including the then Soviet republics of Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and the RSFSR. Only when World War II engulfed Great Britain and the United States were these two states forced to form an anti-Hitler coalition with the Soviet Union, their ideological adversary. Stalin called it the Anglo-Soviet-American alliance.

From the unconditional surrender of Germany and then Japan in 1945 until the final collapse of the USSR in 1991, all major members of the anti-Hitler coalition, including the United States and Great Britain, acknowledged the Red Army’s crucial contribution to the war’s victory. Times are different now, yet we firmly remember that it was only thanks to the Great Victory and the forcing of the aggressors into unconditional surrender that peace in Europe and North-East Asia was preserved for 77 years.

Under the fragile cover of peace, the forces of a new war were ripening. The savage capitalism that had swept over the former Soviet republics had replaced the socialist system; the “new Russia” was supposed to obey the “rules” of an alien civilization. However, it did not work out.

On 22 February 2014 a Western-backed nationalist coup d’état took place in Ukraine with mass murder in Kiev. The world community turned a blind eye to the killing (the lie about the “Heavenly Hundred” was accepted), but the response was the reunification of Crimea with the Russian Federation, a step of world-historical significance.

The second step was Russia’s move to protect (not in word but in deed) the discriminated Russian and Russian-speaking population in the east of the former Ukrainian SSR.

And the collective West continued to “master” Ukraine. Not least of these was the development of Europe’s largest shale hydrocarbon deposit, particularly in the “Yuzovskaya Ploschad” area in eastern Ukraine, which takes over the DPR and LPR, as well as the Kharkov region. The appropriation of this fossil wealth would allow the West to “emancipate” Europe from Russian gas.

The world will be presented with irrefutable evidence that the special military operation (SMO) of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, which began on February 24, 2022, in Ukraine, was only a few days ahead of the invasion of the territory of the DPR, LPR and Russia by the Ukrainian army. The objectives of the SMO are succinctly defined as demilitarisation and denazification. Under Russia’s new foreign policy, these definitions need to be (and will be) deployed. The question of the timeframe for achieving these objectives remains open, but significant progress has already been made towards restoring the territory of the DPR and LPR within the borders of the former Donetsk and Luhansk regions of Ukraine. The first steps towards demilitarisation and denazification of Kherson and the Kherson region are being taken and this needs to be described in more detail than at present.

The West, which at the stage of the SMO preparations declared at the top of its voice that it had no intention whatsoever of intervening in the maturing conflict, is now stepping up its interventions. The usual deception that the West is so incredibly generous with. Many states are involved in supplying arms and military equipment to the ruling Ukrainian regime and here the undisputed leader is Poland, which is preparing to “snatch” from Ukraine its western part with the city of Lviv, which was Polish before the Second World War. There are other contenders for the territory of the weakened Ukraine. Sergey Lavrov has defined these actions as a “hybrid war”, a “proxy war”.

Old Europe (Western Europe) is leading the way to a protracted war in the east and north of continental Europe. A war which, according to Western strategists, would exhaust the East European, East Slavic countries. An element of the plan is to drag the territories of Sweden and Finland into the “sphere of responsibility” of the North Atlantic military bloc. And, of course, Ukraine.

Another element is the creation of information noise about the possibility and likelihood of a world nuclear war. The Americans hope that a nuclear war will not reach them across two oceans. At the same time, they can warm their hands well on the “eastern military bonfire”, having fixed the shaky economy with new large orders for the military-industrial complexes of their countries.

The recent withdrawal of Britain, the second Anglo-Saxon (nuclear) power, from the European Union looks in a new light. It could be said to be a kind of insurance against Britain being drawn directly into the planned war in the East as a second edition of Drang nach Osten.

Russian diplomacy, Russian foreign policy has a daunting task ahead of it – to foil these plans, to ensure that on the external front the SSO’s objectives are met, to stop the supply of arms and military equipment from the West to Ukraine, to force the current Ukrainian regime to make peace on our terms. And we do not need any “mediators” or “guarantors” from the West for this. The West, in its relations with Russia, is, firstly, perennially “uncooperative”; secondly, there are problems in the post-Soviet world which need and can be solved without “help” from the outside.

One of the pledges of Russia’s su

ccess on the difficult path that appeared on February 24, 2022, is the overdue change in the nation’s economic course. Under the new conditions, Russia must finally create a self-sufficient economy, which will allow it to be provided with both the means of consumption (there are already problems with food) and modern means of production to exploit the world’s richest natural resources for the benefit of its people.

And also to develop a new foreign policy aimed (primarily!) at long-term good neighbourliness and cooperation with the closest neighbours of the Russian Federation – the former Soviet republics. This is a truly strategic task. Its solution will require the work of more than one generation.

Vyacheslav Zilanov, FSC

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